Omkar Dattatray
The unprecedented corruption and ever- growing unemployment problem grew into widespread resentment that led to social media ban that resulted into crisis in which the democracy of Nepal is burning with the prime minister and four other ministers of the Oli government resigning. The political crisis and turmoil is getting enormous proportions with the youth talking law into their hands and the police force surrendering before the protesting youth. Nepal’s Gen-Z are protests erupted after a nationwide ban on social media, resulting into casualties, curfews, bandhs and strikes by the youth against government. Nepal’s Prime minister KP Oli has resigned in the wake of public outrage over the killing of 22 people in police clashes with anti-corruption protesters. His, office said he had stepped down to pave way for a constitutional solution to the massive youth led protests over widespread allegations of corruption and sparked by a social media ban, which has since been lifted. The protests turned violent as thousands –many identifying themselves as Gen Z on placards and banners –took to streets of Kathmandu on Monday. Almost 200 people are believed to have been injured in clashes with police, who used tear gas, water cannons and live bullets As, protesters scaled the walls of Parliament and other official buildings. The protests continued on Tuesday with the situation turning more- ugly as the unruly mobs torched Parliament and Supreme Court buildings, headquarters of the Nepali Congress Party and the house of former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. The houses of several other politicians have also been vandalised. Social media is a big part of Nepali life. Indeed, the country has one of South Asia’s highest user rates per capita. The demonstrations were triggered by the governments decision last week to ban 26 social media platforms, including WhatsApp, Instagram and Facebook, for failing to meet a deadline to register with Napl’s ministry of communication and technology. Critics accused the Oli government of seeking to stifle an anti-corruption campaign with the ban, which was repealed on Monday night because of the mounting pressure of the protestors. While the ban was a catalyst for the current unrest, the protestors are also channelling a more deep -rooted dissatisfaction with the country’s authorities. The ensuing demonstrations turned violent in Kathmndu and some other cities of Nepal, with 19 protestors dying in clashes with police on Monday. Nepal is in the grip of its worst political turmoil in decades after youth-led protests over social media ban erupted into a nationwide uprising against corruption, unemployment and entrenched political leadership. At least 19 people have been killed in clashes with security forces, demonstrators have torched the homes of senior leaders and stormed parliament and burnt the parliament building. The root cause of the widespread protests and unrest in Nepal is because of the following—There have been a series of corruption scams and allegations against high-ranking political leaders in Nepal, with little action taken and hardly any one brought to book. When the previous government led by Prachanda began investigating some of these scams, cases that involved top leaders of the UML-Communist Party of Nepal [unified Marxist -Leninist] and the Nepali Congress, it alarmed those parties. Soon after, the two largest parties, despite their differences, came together in power-sharing arrangement. One is a communist party, the other a democratic, mass- based party. The UML, is a cadre -based. They have historically been opponents, so the perception in Nepal was that they joined hands mainly to shield themselves. The second factor was the ‘’Nepo Kids’’ phenomenon. The children of political leaders flaunted their wealth and lavish lifestyles, which fuelled resentment in young people. Many questioned why leaders children could drive around in luxury cars while they themselves were working low -paid jobs in the Gulf. The third factor was that once these two big parties came together, they sidelined the charismatic leader of the Rashtriya Swatantra Party, Rabi Lamichhane, by jailing him. With him removed from the scene, there was virtually no opposition in parliament. Prachanda was technically in opposition but had allied with both sides in the past. With no body to challenge Oli and Deuba, it felt the arrangement will continue indefinitely. People saw it as a game of musical chairs. Oli for two years, then Deuba, with nothing changing. Finally, the social media ban was a trigger. Instead of pressing companies to follow Nepali law, the government imposed an outright ban. This high-handed approach failed to anticipate its impact. But the scenes of violence today and the other developments, including resignation of PM Oli, were sparked by the firing on protestors that left many dead. A third of the Nepalese population live abroad and stay connected with families through Facebook and Messenger. Many also depend on social media for their livelihood. So, when the government suddenly banned several platforms, it disrupted daily life in a big way. While the ban was the immediate trigger for protests, resentment against the political class runs much deeper. Even before the UML, and the Congress joined hands, frustration had been evident in elections. Over the past five to six years, similar parties and independents have gained ground. Rabi Lamichhane’s party for instance, won 21 seats from nowhere, while Balen Shah, an independent, won mayorship of Kathmandu Nepal’s most prestigious post. There were clear signs of disenchantment with established parties and leaders. There was a sense of hubris among major leaders. Between them, it was musical chairs –taking turns in power, avoiding corruption investigations, and amassing huge fortunes. People saw them hand -in -glove, with no accountability. There is deep disenchantment with leaders who were entrusted to deliver on the new constitution and the promised peace and prosperity dividend, which has not materialised. Now the fear is that people may link it to the system itself not delivering. Nepal’s multi-party democratic republic is a hard -won achievement after decades of struggles, but growing disillusionment raises questions – Is it just failed leadership, or is it the system itself? That uncertainty is dangerous. Figures like Balen Shah and parties such as the Rashtriya Swatantra Party, which has drawn technocrats and professionals, are being viewed as alternatives. But in a democracy, such forces still need to prove themselves through elections. The monarchy remains a factor in the background. The previous round of royalist protests also drew a section of youth .It is not necessarily a reflection of the popularity of the monarchy as it is anger at the existing political leadership. The army in Nepal has a very major role in stabilising the situation. The same happened and the army has taken control of the situation. Army troops fanned out across Kathmandu and other cities from early Wednesday morning, enforcing restrictive orders and restoring calm a day after violent anti -government protests swept across Nepal, triggering the resignation of K .P. Sharma Oli as Prime Minister. It is good that army has taken control of the situation and the situation is limping back to normalcy. Army has asked the protesting youth to come for talks and also to give the alternative of a new prime minister. Hope that better sense and sanity will prevail on the youth of Nepal and they will enter into dialogue with the army for the installation of the new Prime minister and thus the new government which will care for the youth and investigate the widespread corruption cases.
The author is a columnist, social, KP activist & Freelancer |
