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Position of India and China in Asia | | Dr. Rajkumar Singh | 12/13/2020 11:39:18 PM |
| Modern people's Republic of China emerged as a result of the civil war between Ideologist as well as the nationalist forces of the country. In the period of internal clash to rule over China the nationalist forces were supported by the United States of America, a group which stood opposite to the Communist party. Several fact-finding missions and experts were sent to China by the US, who, despite admitted corrupt practices in the Chinese National Government of Kuomintang pleaded in favour of supporting them politically, morally and financially. They suggested.'it is highly preferable that the United States have a free, though immoral Government in China than to have a hostile Government- no matter how pure and moral- dominated by Communist influences.' The Nationalists gained a good deal of military successes practically till the end of the first half of 1948, but by spring 1949 the Communists strengthened their rural mass base and were in full control of North China. Mao Tse-tung, the supreme leader of the Communist party of China appeared confident, of establishing the people's Republic. He declared after the Communists convened the people's political Consultative Conference in September 1949, 'our nation will never again be an insulted nation. We have stood up.' On 1, October 1949, 'People's Government started its affairs and Chiang Kai-shek took his Government to the island of Formosa (Taiwan) to survive as the so- called legitimate government of China under the American patronage and protection. Primary Objectives of Chinese Government To the surprise of none the new regime of China was aimed to spread Maoist radicalism in the non-communist countries and it necessitated apposition to the West and the US in particular. As the new dispensation owed some differences on several issues with the USSR, it required co-existence with numerous middle powers on the basis of expediency. Chinese aid was given principally to Peking - oriented parties which were expected to remain faithful to Maoist principles of strategy and accept Peking's guidance. According to the steps already decided the advanced capitalist states, especially the US, were alleged to express their class character by pursuing aggressive policies against China and the Asian Communist movements. Peking was happy to counter US and its interventionist activities and by increasing China's own armed strength to make it a more significant deterrent. On the other with a view to cultivate intimate relations with the neutral countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America Peking signed treaties of mutual non-aggression or friendship with Burma, Nepal, Afghanistan, Guinea, Combodia, Indonesia etc. and settled outstanding differences with them through diplomatic channels. As a supplement China also strengthened its cultural relations with a large number of foreign countries and used economic weapon to further its interests. Basically Chinese leaders believed in Marxian -Leninist ideology and stood for proletarian internationalism. For the attainment of this objective they thought it desirable to establish intimate relations with other Communist powers, especially the Soviet Union. In this period China tried to maintain her revolutionary fervour in internal and external affairs and propounded the new doctrines of 'the inevitability of war' and 'permanent revolution'. The importance of the Sino-Soviet cooperation was acknowledged by different Chinese leaders who asserted that the unity of the two could play an extremely important role in the unity of peoples of the world. Thus, when the Chinese Communist leaders began to build up a Socialist system in early years, they were evidently agreed that the Soviet Union should be accepted as a model. Role of USSR in Asia Death of Stalin in 1953 witnessed some ideological dilution in Soviet policy which included "revisionism" and "peaceful Co-existence". Chinese viewed these concepts as basic change in Soviet policy. They considered it grave and fundamental danger and total hostility towards the USSR was viewed as the only correct response. As a result in sphere of ideology Peking decided to work as effectively as possible against the Soviet diplomacy in the developing areas which allegedly seek to advance Moscow's great power aims at the expense of the national Communist movements. Chinese associated the struggle against revisionism as their duty in order to establish friendship and cooperation with other Socialist states that evidenced the intensity of Chinese hostility towards the USSR. "Peaceful Co-existence" as Chinese consider, is a line of diplomacy that facilitates expedient compromises and settlements with the imperialists and their allies. The diplomacy itself carries formal commitment to certain principles which concern the regime's dealings with other governments and there is no justification of another peaceful co-existence if the theme of diplomacy is taken into account. Thus in the post-1953 period Chinese leaders were evidently unwilling to recognise that Stalin's ideological authority had passed to the USSR's unstable collective leadership. They disapproved Khrushchev's liberalisation in the USSR and his new foreign policy which stressed co-existence with the West and the promotion of Communism in the Third World by peaceful methods. In spite of public respect for Moscow's leadership China's government accelerated extraordinary new programme of Socialist economic development, apparently in the hope of demonstrating that the regime had a superior dynamism with a view to give great inspiration to Communist movements in Asia and elsewhere. Indian Responses India's thrust for Asia, its refusal to be a part of any post- war alliance and China's stiff attitude towards the USA along with ideological differences with USSR culminated in the signing of a treaty between the two on Tibet in April 1954. It was the high time for Asian solidarity that symbolised in the five principles of Panchsheel. These principles were included in the preamble of the treaty under which Tibet was referred as the Tibetan Region of China and India was permitted certain reciprocal facilities of trade and pilgrimage in relation to Tibet. Further China tried to befriend the nonaligned and the developing countries and signed the Bandung Declaration of the Afro-Asian Heads of Government held in April 1955. The Conference provided a real golden diplomatic opportunity to the People's Republic of China to carve out a major diplomatic entry for itself in the region along with several other regions of Asia. Signing of the treaty by the two Asian giants-India and China on the basis of five principles was not liked by the USA while the USSR was less than happy. In reference to country's hostility with PRC and mistrust of nonaligned India, the US had stiffened her opposition to Communist China's entry into the UN and created difficulties for India by arming Pakistan. The USSR welcomed it hoping that it would hasten the entry of India into the socialist camp but at the same time also wondered why India was getting closer to China than to them. Most Asian countries including the nations of South East -Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Indonesia heartily welcomed it except Pakistan who was jealous of India and closely aligned with the USA and the West. The Non-aligned world, in general, became ease that the two Asian nations were trying to solve their mutual problems peacefully and bilaterally without third-party intervention. Today most of us consider today after 50 years of Panchsheel that these principles need some rethinking in context of developments and globalisation. Politically too, the world at large revolves round the United States. A close look at recent foreign policy pronouncements emanating from both countries highlight three issues which China and India share a common interest. These are opposing US unilateralism, support for multilateral organizations and diversification of trade. |
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