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Biggest Challenge in Kashmir | | | Hari Om
Princely State of Jammu & Kashmir merged with India way back on October 26, 1947 as per the constitutional law on the subject. The accession of the state was immediately followed by transfer of power from Jammu to Kashmir. The 101-year-old liberal Dogra rule abruptly came to an end and the then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru handed over the state power to his "secular" friend Sheikh Abdullah, president of Kashmir-based National Conference (NC). Ever since then, the nation has been facing a serious problem in Kashmir, which otherwise is the country's most pampered, prosperous, over-developed and politically very powerful region. It enjoys a very special status within the Union, has a separate constitution and separate flag and it also enjoys residuary powers. Indeed, it is a republic within the Republic of India. Courtesy: The "secular" Congress. The general view in the country is that Pakistani agents in Kashmir like Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Yasin Malik, Shabir Shah and a handful of others of their ilk are the disturbers of peace in the Valley and that they have been muddying the Indian waters in the Valley by arousing anti-India feelings among gullible Kashmiri Muslims by giving them to understand that the "Indian presence in J&K is illegal" and "Muslim Pakistan is their natural choice". This is only partly true. The truth is that these half a dozen seditionists represent only a microscopic minority in the Valley. Their area of influence and activities is confined only to a few pockets, particularly in Srinagar, winter capital of J&K. They have been surviving and thriving on the blood and sweat of the common people of Kashmir and are also enjoying official patronage. They can be tackled in no time. There should be no doubt about it. Only strong political will is needed. The real problem in Kashmir is the so-called mainstream Kashmiri leaders. It is they who under the guise of secularism and democracy hold the Kashmiri Muslims aloof from the national mainstream, subvert the polity both from within and outside, speak the Pakistani language at regular intervals and say day in and day out that "J&K is a political issue that needs to be resolved politically". By political resolution, they mean a regime that is virtually independent of India. Actually, they long and die for Nizam-e-Mustafa. Those in power indulge in soft secessionism to cater to the separatist urges of their communal constituency and those in the opposition disapprove of politics of soft secessionism and adopt a more radical line in their desperate bid to grab the political space of their arch-political foes to advance their own political interests. It is this politics of competitive secessionism and communalism - which is being played in the Valley in a most brazen manner - that has created a high wall of hatred between Kashmir and New Delhi and helped Pakistan to play nefarious games in the region to accomplish its "unfinished agenda of partition". And it has been happening in Kashmir since decades now. How else would one describe what president of National Conference (NC) and former J&K Chief Minster and Union Minister Farooq Abdullah said in Jammu on November 27? Farooq Abdullah questioned the age-old stand of the nation on J&K as it existed on August 15, 1947, outraged it by shamelessly suggesting that Pakistan-occupied-Jammu & Kashmir (PoJK) and Gilgit-Baltistan "are part of Pakistan and shall ever remain so" and India and Pakistan must talk to each other to convert the Line of Control into an international border. His whole objective was to embarrass the ruling pro-self-rule People's Democratic Party (PDP), befriend Pakistan for obvious reasons and give the Kashmiri Muslims to understand that the NC is the true champion of their "nationalism" or sub-nationalism or whatever one may call it. What the NC president said was an attack on the Indian Constitution and J&K Constitution and an unpardonable onslaught on the nation's firm and unanimous resolve. Article one of the Indian Constitution and Section 3 of J&K Constitution, which constitute part of the basic structure of the Indian constitutional framework, say in unequivocal terms that J&K is and shall ever remain an integral part of India. J&K Constitution, in addition, has reserved 24 seats in the J&K Assembly for the people of PoJK and Gilgit-Baltistan, which have been under the illegal occupation of Pakistan since 1947. But more than that, even the August 13, 1948 UN resolution on J&K recognise both implicitly and explicitly the Indian sovereignty in the entire State of J&K as it existed on August 15, 1947. It requires Pakistan to vacate the illegally-occupied areas and suggests stationing of Indian troops there for maintaining law and order. As said, Farooq Abdullah's statement also constituted an onslaught on the nation's resolve. The Indian Parliament not once but thrice unanimously adopted resolutions on the political status of J&K vis-à-vis Pakistan and on its stand on PoJK and Gilgit-Baltistan. These were adopted on February 22, 1994, March 15, 2013 and August 14, 2013. All the three resolutions said: "The State of J&K has been, is and shall be an integral part of India and any attempt to separate it from the rest of the country will be resisted by all necessary means; India has the will and capacity to firmly counter all designs against its unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity; and Pakistan must vacate the areas of the Indian State of J&K, which they have occupied through aggression". It would not be out of place to mention here that Farooq Abdullah, who was a minister in the Manmohan Singh-led ragtag UPA Government, and all the NC members of Parliament were party to the parliamentary resolutions adopted in 2013. Indeed, Farooq Abdullah committed an act of betrayal of national interest by saying what he said about the political status of PoJK and Gilgit-Baltistan vis-à-vis Pakistan. Earlier in March 2013, Farooq Abdullah's son and the then J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah had desecrated the floor of the J&K Legislative Assembly by ridiculing and taunting the Indian Parliament a day after it adopted resolution on J&K's political status. He had said: "By repeating the words atoot ang (integral part) again and again you (India) cannot change the political status of J&K". The point is that the Abdullahs and their ilk in the Valley pose a grave threat to the territorial integrity of India. They are the biggest problem for the bleeding Indian nation in Kashmir. If New Delhi sincerely wishes to set things right in Kashmir, it has no other option but to surmount the problem Farooq Abdullah and the likes have created. It is disgusting that many in India hail Kashmiri leaders like Farooq Abdullah as "secular", "nationalist" and "mainstream" leaders, which they are not. Courtesy: niticentral. |
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